Abstract/Details

The interpretation of quantifiers: Semantics and processing


1998 1998

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Abstract (summary)

The primary goal of this study is to develop a theory of the processing of doubly-quantified sentences such as A squirrel picked up every nut, particularly how the scope ambiguity in such sentences is resolved. The research departs from most psycholinguistic work in drawing upon current linguistic theories of LF, the syntax-semantics interface, and formal semantics.

First, I investigate the issue of how structural factors affect quantifier scope preferences. I argue that the processor takes an economic stance towards scope assignment. The preferred relative scoping of two quantified phrases is computed from the 'required' LF structure--the LF constructed from required grammatical operations acting on S-structure. Furthermore, I contend that when every has scope over a, the processor does not commit to how many entities the a-phrase represents.

Next, I present an analysis of the semantic differences between each and every with respect to event distributivity, in preparation for considering the scope behavior of these quantifiers. I demonstrate that a sentence containing each can only be true of an event which has a totally distributive event structure, where each individual object in the restrictor set of the quantified phrase is associated with its own subevent, and all the subevents are differentiated on some relevant dimension. Every is subject to the weaker requirement that there be at least two different subevents.

Finally, I apply the semantic analysis of each and every to the question of how individual quantifiers affect scope preferences. Each has often been said to have a stronger preference for wide scope than every. I argue that this observation arises from cases where each takes wide scope in order to fulfill its condition requiring total event distributivity and differentiation of subevents. Otherwise the scope behavior of each and every is quite similar; they preferentially take wide scope only when that is the scoping computed off the required LF structure. More generally, I hypothesize that a quantifier's scope behavior is driven by the lexical condition(s) which are part of its meaning.

Experimental evidence is presented in support of each of these claims.

Indexing (details)


Subject
Linguistics;
Psychology;
Experiments
Classification
0290: Linguistics
0623: Psychology
0623: Experiments
Identifier / keyword
Psychology; Language, literature and linguistics; Processing; Quantifiers; Semantics
Title
The interpretation of quantifiers: Semantics and processing
Author
Tunstall, Susanne Lynn
Number of pages
182
Publication year
1998
Degree date
1998
School code
0118
Source
DAI-A 59/10, Dissertation Abstracts International
Place of publication
Ann Arbor
Country of publication
United States
ISBN
9780599073906, 059907390X
Advisor
Frazier, Lyn
University/institution
University of Massachusetts Amherst
University location
United States -- Massachusetts
Degree
Ph.D.
Source type
Dissertations & Theses
Language
English
Document type
Dissertation/Thesis
Dissertation/thesis number
9909228
ProQuest document ID
304420936
Copyright
Database copyright ProQuest LLC; ProQuest does not claim copyright in the individual underlying works.
Document URL
http://search.proquest.com/docview/304420936
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