RELIGION AND POLITICS IN PRE-COLONIAL NIGERIA

Abstract

Religion and Politics was a prominent feature in the political history of pre - Colonial Nigeria. It was a major factor responsible for maintaining peace, stability and order. It discusses the interaction between politics and religion in Nigeria and how the country sustained peaceful coexistence, cooperation and harmony. Religion and politics was the basis of authority and power for the rulers and religion was used to maintain law and order. Religious sanctions help to check criminal behaviours, to promote good and law abiding citizens.

Headnote

Abstract: Religion and Politics was a prominent feature in the political history of pre - Colonial Nigeria. It was a major factor responsible for maintaining peace, stability and order. It discusses the interaction between politics and religion in Nigeria and how the country sustained peaceful coexistence, cooperation and harmony. Religion and politics was the basis of authority and power for the rulers and religion was used to maintain law and order. Religious sanctions help to check criminal behaviours, to promote good and law abiding citizens.

Keywords: religion, Politics, Pre-Colonial, Nigeria.

Introduction

This paper examines the place of religion as an instrument of maintaining peace and stability in the pre-colonial political history of Nigeria. Although limited information exists on the role of religion in maintaining peace, there is sufficient evidence on the interaction of religion and politics. Before the advent of colonialism, political power was a sacred trust, exercised for the common good of the society.1 Institutions such as kings, age-grades, guilds, associations, secret societies, and open societies were religious organizations as well as political agencies that helped to maintain law and order by suppressing tension and clashes of interest among the people.2

Traditional religion and Islam predated colonialism, but Christianity became a force to reckon with at the end of the nineteenth century when the Europeans penetrated several parts of Nigeria. Before the introduction of Islam and Christianity, traditional religion was fully integrated into the political systems of all Nigerian societies.3 In Yoruba, Hausa, and Benin communities, the ruler, chief priest, and elders of the town usually decided how to improve the life of the community through consultation of the oracle. Among the Yoruba people, the Oba (ruler) usually sought advice of the babalawo (Ifa priest) on how to improve the well being of his people.4 Traditional religion became an instrument used as check and balance in the political system. The priests often mediated in the rights and claims of various individuals and groups in the society by ensuring that political leaders did not abuse their power.5 In the Yoruba tradition, if an Alaafin used his political power arbitrarily, he could be removed. The process began with the Oyo Mesi (Council of Chiefs) in consultation with the Ogboni society, the Alaafin would be presented with a white calabash with the words: "the earth rejects you, the gods reject you, and the people reject you." The implication was that the Alaafin had to commit suicide, and this happened on a number of occasions.

On their own part, the people ensured that security of lives and property were protected, law and order was upheld, and peaceful co-existence was maintained with neighbors.6 Traditional religion also provided a theology that linked local beliefs to the central government and its sovereignty.7 Since religion was partly utilized to legitimize political power, the ruler and the ancestors were responsible for the welfare of the entire people in the town.8

Traditional religion and Islam contributed to the political processes of the Nigeria societies. In the case of Islam, T. G. O. Gbadamosi pointed out that during the early contact with Islam in Yorubaland and Hausaland, Muslims were few and little organized. He further stated that they worshipped privately and secretly, in the course of time, their number grew and their position became stronger. The conversion of influential people who were close to political power helped in the quick spread of Islam.9

The earliest manifestation of Islam in political affairs was the role played by Muslim mallams and the parakoyi. In Oyo and Hausaland, mallams first patronized the ruler for permission to live in the town, to pray for the people, and to preach. Mallams often served as advisors to the ruler or as administrators and judges. The parakoyi were the spokesmen of the Muslims in Yorubaland, they led the Muslim prayers, and acted as liaison officers between the Muslims and political authorities. They were also in charge of commerce, collecting taxes, and maintained fair treatment and orderliness in market places10.

By the end of the nineteenth century, Christianity was not only introduced to Nigeria, but it also intermixed with colonial politics as Christian missionaries collaborated with colonial authorities for mutual benefits. Many Nigerians embraced Christianity not only because it provided an alternative religion and new doctrines, but also because it offered and promoted literacy opportunities. The support of the colonial authorities made it possible for Christianity to penetrate many societies in Nigeria.

Religions in Pre-colonial Nigeria

Approximately 250 distinct ethnic groups exist in Nigeria with the Yoruba, the Igbo, the Hausa, and the Fulani as the largest and politically dominant. Others include the Edo, the Ibiobio, the Tiv, the Nupe, the Kanuri, the Ijaw, the Itsekiri, and the Kalabari. They all have distinct customs, traditions, and languages, but they all adopted traditional religious beliefs and practices in the pre-colonial times.

In Hausaland, the traditional religion was organized on a clan basis. A hereditary chief priest maintained each shrine on behalf of the town. The Kano Chronicle shows that the traditional priests performed the various rituals and sacrifices, especially of food and animals. Through the sacrifices, the people believed that the community would have and maintain peace and stability. The Hausa religion was centered on a cult, which represented a belief system on a single deity, the god of Tsumburburai, also known as Randaya11.

The Hausa religious practices transcended animal sacrifices. It also entailed the veneration of shrines located in groves and the use of charms for protection. Shobana Shanker12 described the Hausa religion as a synthesis of many religious traditions, generally known as bori. With Islam gaining ground, the practice of bori was not only discouraged, but it was also denounced. Islam`s objection to bori led to the outbreak of the jihad of Uthman Dan Fodio in 1804.

In Igbo land, there was a strong belief in ancestral worship, animal sacrifices, and ritual worship in groves. Sacrifices in the Igbo religion were performed in the town performed in the town purposely to ward off evil spirits, for petition, expiation and thanksgiving.The Igbo people believed in a supernatural being who was worshipped through various deities or spirits such as anyanwu (the god of the sun), Igwe, (the god of the sky) and ale or ane (the god of the earth). Ancestors were believed to be contributing to the maintenance of solidarity in the community13.

The Igbo religion was a mixture of human and spiritual beings. The Human category consisted of the priests, diviners, and ritual elders who conducted religious worship and sacrifices to god and goddesses. The divinities included ancestral spirits, and spirits of national heroes, and other deities. The revered gods and goddesses varied from one society to the other, and the shrines could be found in rivers, trees, road junctions, and on mountains and hills. They were regarded as the guardian spirit who could be benevolent or mischievous, lovable or fearful14.

Although the Yoruba believe in the existence of a Supreme Being called Olodumare or Olorun, orisa is the general name for the large number of deities in their religion. These include Ifa (the oracle of palm nuts); Esu, often referred to as the trickster and a divinity of mischief. Esu in the Yoruba religion possesses protective and benevolent powers and should not be mistaken for the devil or Satan in other religions; others include Obatala, also known as Oduduwa; Ogun the god of iron and war; and Sonpona associated with small pox. There are also Sango, the god of lightening; Oya Sangòs wife and the goddess of thunderstorms; and Orisa Oko the patron of hunters.

Ifa was consulted on every social and political event. It was important to do so for its unifying force. The Ifa was usually consulted on matters concerning the choice of a new ruler and in important political decisions such as going to war, and in marriage. The oracle was the court of the people, and its judgment was binding on the people15. Ifa and all other orisas were propitiated for peace, progress, stability and success16.

Aside from the Supreme Being there were numerous divinities. Natural phenomena such as rivers, trees, mountains, hills, iron, thunder and lightening, were venerated in the traditional belief system but not in Islam and Christianity. There was the belief in an afterlife, which the people viewed as an extension of life itself. Many societies held the belief that the spirits of the departed had great power of intervention in the affairs of the living. The practice of each ethnic group was supervised by an organized priesthood, which could mediate between humans and the deities17.

A wind of change occurred with the penetration of Islam and Christianity. First, Islam was established in Hausaland in the eleventh century and had flourished by the fifteenth century. At its inception, Islam found its way into the palace and Muslims gradually wielded political influence. By the early nineteenth century, Islam had dominated the whole of northern Nigeria. The role of Islam in politics became apparent with the jihad of Usman dan Fodio in 1804. Although the jihad's initial motive was to purify Islam, politics became a major factor with the overthrow of the Habe traditional rulers of Hausaland and the establishment of a theocratic state. By the time the jihad was concluded, the Sokoto Caliphate had been established and Usman dan Fodio emerged as the religious and political leader. By the middle of the nineteenth century, Islam had spread southward to Yorubaland, but it did not have the same influence on politics as it had in northern Nigeria. The Yoruba were reputed for their traditional religion, which they did not want to give up for Islam. That was partly why a coalition of Yoruba and Borgu forces fought the jihadists during the Ilorin War between 1830 and 1835. It was only with the military assistance of Ibadan that the Oyo-Yoruba forces were able to halt the further spread of Islam at the battle of Osogbo in 1840.

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to introduce Christianity in West Africa, particularly in Nigeria. During the Age of Discovery in the fifteenth century, the Portuguese, in their quest to find a sea route to India in order to participate in the lucrative spice trade, established economic, religious, and political relations with some rulers along the West African coast. The Benin and Warri kingdoms benefited from this contact. To facilitate their economic interests, the Portuguese introduced Christianity of the Catholic version to the Benin and Warri kingdoms. This served as the first current of Christianity, which did not extend beyond the palace confines. The Portuguese relations with the rulers were short-lived because of clash of economic interests. The collapse of the economic arrangements led to the breakdown in religious and political relations. The Portuguese failed to send missionaries and very soon, all vestiges of Christianity were removed from both kingdoms. Since Christianity did not penetrate the interior, the Yoruba and Hausa people did not experience the religion. Hence, Christianity did not play any role in their politics until the nineteenth century when a more effective introduction occurred. However, Samuel Johnson noted that the missionaries in Yorubaland contributed in terms of a provision of military arms and ammunition to ensure that the Egba people defeated other neighboring towns during the civil wars. This partly explains why Oba Sodeke allowed Christianity to flourish in Abeokuta18.

Following explorers such as Mungo Park, Hugh Clapperton, and the Lander brothers (in the early nineteenth century) who penetrated the interior of Nigeria were Christian missionaries. Samuel Ajayi Crowther (1807 - 1891) a Yoruba clergy, along with European missionaries, spread Christianity into the interior through the Niger Expedition in 1845. Many Nigerian communities initially resisted Christianity because of some of its anti-African cultural practices. However, the support of the colonial authorities led to an effective evangelization, especially in the south. In Yorubaland, the missionaries were welcomed because they served as mediators and peacemakers in civil war that engulfed the whole region. The missionaries became peacemakers because of the support shown to traditional rulers in helping them fight neighboring towns during the Yoruba civil wars. The missionaries envisaged that the civil unrest would prevent evangelical activities. Hence, they decided to intervene and organize peace accord treaties and agreements with various communities. The missionaries were most successful in this regard19.

Religious and Political Organizations

In several Nigerian communities, individuals, lineages, and family units had their own deities through which they communicated with the Supreme Being20. Sacrifices of different kinds were offered and annual festivals were held. Each divinity had its food preferences for sacrifices and worshippers ensured that their deities were well served. In times of serious trouble such as epidemics, famine, or drought, members of the community, including political leaders, came together to appease the gods21. Priests, rulers, and political office holders presided over religious matters and made pronouncements that were backed up by religious regulations22.

Various ethnic groups created political institutions, such as, the ogboni, the osugbo, the ilari, age-grades, the guilds, and ekpe primarily for maintaining peace and law and order23. The ogboni cult was a powerful religio-political institution among the Yoruba. S. O. Biobaku asserted that the ogboni was a secret society to which prominent chiefs and elders of the town sought initiation in order to promote social harmony, peace, and cooperation for the social, religious, and political affairs of the people. Members of the cult took oath of secrecy24. Although traditional religion did not have a written sacred book like Islam and Christianity, there was unwritten code of conduct, which had been transmitted from one generation to another. S. A. Adewale described actions of disobedience to the rules and regulations of the ogboni as a breach of contract to the society and the penalty was serious sanction to the offender25. Similar to the ogboni in the Oyo-Yoruba group was the osugbo among the Ijebu. The osugbo and ogboni performed the same religious, political, and social functions.

The ilari was an important religious institution among the Oyo-Yoruba people. According to O. Adewoye, the ilari performed religious functions of administering oath on the plaintiff at the chief court in the palace26. The ilari served as the king's bodyguard, intelligence officer, land arbitrator, and ambassador to vassal states. Each ilari had a special name, which expressed either the divine power of the king, his intention, or his disposition on a particular issue. It was the responsibility of the ilari to carry the staff of office of the king when going on important interstate functions or when representing the king at coronation ceremonies in other parts of Yorubaland27.

The guild system was used as religious means geared toward the responsibility of strict obedience to law and order by way of punishment and reporting offences to appropriate authority. Examples of guilds included the hunters, warriors, women political associations, occupational, and mutual aid associations. Market women also formed guilds with their leader being addressed as iyaloja ("head of the market women")28. These guilds usually regulated matters of members' professional interests, mutual help and taking of disciplinary measures against members who violated professional and fraternal obligations, and fulfillment of common religious obligations, which include observance of funeral rites for their members.

Age-grades existed as religious, social, and political institutions. They acted as watchdogs of public ethics and etiquette, and the guardian of public morality. They participated in various public works assigned to them by the political authorities. Their leaders arranged the tasks such as renovating the king's palace and construction of public roads and bridges. During public occasions such as the installation of a new king, people were arranged according to their age-grades. Age grades served as vehicles through people acculturated and socialized. Members of each age grade had the right to discuss social and political matters, and they could present matters of concern to the political authorities. There was the provision for exchange and coordination of views by sectional groups of the same age in large towns. On the whole, age grades were important in the society for the performance of their duties as citizens of the community in which they resided.

P. A. Talbolt described the Ekpe among the Ibibio to have been anchored on ancestral worship29. He opined that the religious aspect was of more consequences even in those clubs where political activities now predominate. The Idiong were a cult of sorcerers and diviners. Members of this society are believed to have the power to see the unseen, to know the unknown, and to be able to communicate effectively with the spirits and the ancestors. Hence, anyone who had a misfortune sought prescription of necessary remedy from the ancestors. Some diviners combined divination with cure30. Hausa communities were organized on clan basis and each clan recognized particular divinities or shrines. Hereditary chief priests interceded between the divinity and worshippers and maintained the shrines.

Nature of Political System

Political systems in pre -colonial Nigeria vary from one ethnic group to another. Before the introduction of colonialism, kingdoms such as Benin, Oyo, Kanem-Bornu, Hausa states, Nupe, and Jukun developed important political structures31. Politics was the affairs of the rulers and his appointed officials. The society was run through an unwritten constitution, but guided by religious sanctions. This shows that in the precolonial times, religion and politics were inseparable.

Two major forms of political organization existed in the pre-colonial period: the monarchical system and gerontocracy. The monarchial system, operated among the Yoruba, Hausa, and Benin, was a centralized form of government. J. A. Atanda, a Yoruba historian, pointed out that a king, selected from the royal family and whose right to rule was divinely ordained, headed the monarchical system. The king was assisted by an institutionalized council of chiefs such as the ijoye, igbimo or ilu among the Yoruba, the sarakuma among the Hausa, and the uzama in Benin. In theory, the ruler held absolute powers, but in practice, there were certain checks and balances. Gerontocracy, adopted by the Igbo, Niger Delta, and Benue people, was a non-centralized political system. Anthropologists refer to this system as stateless or acepahalous because the elders and lineage heads performed religious and political functions since there was no institutionalized political authority32. W. Oyemakinde remarked that gerontocracy was a village democracy where the general will of the people was taken into consideration33. Instead of royal courts and palaces, market centers were used for religious and political activities such as debate, and decisions on vital issues of public interest were taken there as well.

Political power in both systems described above was not absolute because there was divine intervention and people participation. Osaghae contended that political power was divine and almost mystical. It epitomized the unity of the people and was held in trust for the people by the ruler and elders of the community. The ruler could not enforce his personal will on the people indiscriminately. Osaghae further mentioned that there were two sources of political power. First, the concept of "divine right of kings," made the ruler a representative of the ancestors as well as the spiritual symbol for the people. Second, the people were a source of political power since they selected the ruler. This indicated that religion and people constituted primary sources of political empowerment for the ruler34.

Interconnected with religion and politics was the formation of associations geared towards promoting and protecting the common interests of the people. Fadipe and Fajana agreed that the tradition of having associations was common to all pre-colonial Nigerian societies35. Associations were used as social-religious agencies for enforcing political policies and for maintaining law and order; they were sources of political empowerment36.

Religion in Traditional Political System

Religion played important roles in the judicial systems of Nigerian early societies. According to J.R.W. Haffenden, rulers possessed supernatural attributes and they were invested with magico-religious powers in order to perform their political and judicial functions effectively37. Powerful traditional fetishes were used for detecting and punishing criminals. Religion was employed as an instrument of providing and legitimizing security for the people. Individual and families were expected to be loyal not only to the king, but also to religious regulations and societal norms. A breach of religious or societal laws was punishable with sanctions, punishment by ordeal, banishment, or imprisonment38. Actions of disobedience or deviant behavior in the community were considered anti-sacred and not secular; whatever religion disapproved, the society also condemned.

Religious and political laws were interwoven. For the purpose of peace, every one in the society was required to obey the laws and to respect constituted authorities. Violations of religious or societal laws received heavy penalty of affliction with terrible disease, financial ruin (on an individual or collective basis through poor harvests), or barrenness for women, or even death. There is a strong belief among the people that the ancestors and gods often rewarded good behavior or compliance with the law with longevity, peace, prosperity, and freedom from sickness. Because rulers and their subjects wanted peace and prosperity, emphasis was placed on satisfying the ancestors and gods through regular and annual sacrifices. In this respect, religion not only regulated the people's behavior, it also served as the bedrock of peaceful co-existence. In the Rationale of Punishment, H. Oppenheimer stated that:

Offences are viewed as affronts to the deities or the ancestral spirits, who will bring disaster to the entire community or tribe if violations are not appropriately dealt with? Death and expulsion from the group are common mode of punishment for the serious crimes as sorcery, witchcraft, sacrilege and other magico-religious offences. Responsibility is often viewed as communicable for action of its Members; criminal guilt may contaminate the offenders associates, his relatives and even his possession39.

The above confirms J. H. Driberg's argument that there was collective punishment for crime and offences in pre-colonial Nigeria40. Driberg asserts that only appropriate rituals could cleanse the community of the wrath or penalty since the ancestors or gods dictated the punishments for offences. For example, among the Yoruba people, the penalty for theft was referred to the gods for punishment. Such punishments included illness, paralysis, and partial blindness. In many cases the gods revealed the thieves publicly or forced them to confess. The culprits could return the stolen property to avoid further punishment and a propitiatory sacrifice would be offered to cleanse the thief and the society. Witches and wizards were usually stoned to death.

The Muslim community in Yoruba towns advocated for the appointment of Muslim Qadi (judge) in the local Courts to promote justice and equity in the political system. The Ulama (Islamic scholars) argued that it was their right and responsibility to practice their religion, but the traditional leaders rejected the approval of a Muslim judge in the local Courts. The reason was that the Yoruba people wished to preserve their traditional laws and customs and they were against any form of religious intrusion. This point shows why disagreement occurred between the Muslim groups and the traditional political authority. Also, in the Yoruba society, the Muslims were often prevented from erecting a central mosque. This affected the relationship that existed between the Muslim groups and the traditional religious worshippers in a negative way.

The Role of Emirs and Priests

Religious leaders occupied conspicuous places of influence in the administration and organization of pre-colonial Nigerian societies. In northern Nigeria, the Muslim emirs used the shari'a (Islamic Law) and promoted the spread of Islam. Indeed, the whole of Sokoto Caliphate adopted a theocratic form of administration. Islam became the official religion of the rulers and their subjects. The position of the emirs was very crucial to the existence and development of the Islamic political ideology because they enforced the rules and regulations of Islam with their political power. Alongside the emirs, learned cleric (Imam) were appointed to lead the community in prayers as well as teach and guide the people. Emirs also provided security and protection to the community against the opposition and persecution from the traditionalists. The collaborative efforts of the emirs, imams, and Muslim missionaries accounted for the rapid spread of Islam. Before and during the colonial period, Islam and politics went hand in hand and the concept of separation of religion from politics did not exist.

In Yorubaland, the ifa and babalawo priests were also very influential in the political system of their communities. Bolaji Idowu contended that the Yoruba believed that the priests served as intermediaries between divinities and their adherents41. Priests related very closely to the rulers because they provided spiritual advice and performed rituals for rulers. Like in the Hausa states where Islam and politics intertwined, in Yorubaland, traditional religion was deeply entrenched in politics. For the purposes of maintaining peace and stability, rulers and priests participated in religious rituals, festivals, and officiated in sacrifices in the major shrines of their communities.

Priests in traditional religion performed the swearing in ceremony for rulers and were in charge of oath taking as part of their judicial functions. According to Hugo Huber, the handling of oath taking was treated with discretion and moderation. The priests also offered propitiatory sacrifices to prevent or ward-off calamity. All Nigerian communities placed emphasis on order, authority, justice, and peace. They realized the importance of political stability and they used religion and priests as means of achieving their objectives.

Divine Rights and Political Authority

Political leaders in pre-colonial Nigerian societies were regarded as the representatives of the ancestors and divinities on earth. The leadership roles were considered sacred and their authority to rule was preordained and could not be questioned. For example, among the Yoruba the oba was referred to as Iku Baba yeye Alase ikeji orisa ("Frightful as death, all-powerful, and second in command to the gods"). The Jukun revered the akuka (king of the Jukun Empire) and the mai (king of the Kanem Borno Empire). Because of the sacredness of the political position the rulers occupied, they lived secluded life in their palaces, and their subjects were not allowed to see them in public or communicate directly with them.

Rulers participated in offering sacrifices to the gods in order to bless their subjects with good harvest and to prevent drought and famine. Especially in Yorubaland, many rulers participated in the annual yam festival to commemorate the new yam season. It was a commonplace belief that the gods and ancestors endowed rulers with supernatural or mystic powers. They were regarded as owners and distributors of land, and they owned all the resources of the land. Rulers became wealthy because they controlled the economy of their societies. It was a common believe that rulers did not usually sleep because they were communing with the gods and carrying out day-to-day political activities of their societies. In Yoruba belief, rulers do not die like ordinary people, but are believed to join their ancestors. With a special reference to the Alaafin of Oyo, Julius Adekunle pointed out that:

The death of an Alaafin was often marked with elaborate funeral rites and sacrifices. In Yoruba tradition, it takes some days before the death of a ruler is announced to the public. As a semi-god, the Yoruba people would not say that the Alaafin died. Instead, they claim that he transposed to anew world. Thus, the announcement would be made to the public with the words oba wa'ja ("The King has transposed to the ceiling")42.

As rulers were considered sacred on earth, they were also regarded as sacred at death. Sacrifices and elaborate rituals often accompanied their burial ceremonies.

In the Hausa society, emirs were seen as the warastul- ambiya, representatives of the prophet of Allah on earth. Islam provided the basic ideology of governance and selection of political leaders. The Shura committee began the process of selection and interviewed nominated candidates for both religious and secular positions. Most often the learned person in Islamic education and of good character would be appointed as the ruler43.

A. E. Alagoa argued that although in Igboland and Ibibio communities the people did not have recognized heads of government as kings, they had political institutions that checkmated the excesses of people in the society. The earliest known local authority was the Eze Nri (related to the famous igbo-ukwu bronze)44. The influence of the Eze-Nri was based solely on control of ritual activity over the title of Ozo. The Aro was an oracle that served to solve political problems, which proved intractable for the internal institutions of the town. Institutions such as the Ekpe secret society among the Ibibio were used for purposes of social control for deviance in the town.

Since the ruler derived his political authority and power from religion, he was bound to promote social justice, harmony, and political stability. The powers and functions attributed to the state no doubt varied from one society to another because of their different sizes and cultural complexities. Some societies had a more elaborate administrative structure, ritual traditions, and social organization than others. Some rulers essentially acted as priests and presided over the community shrine, other derived their power largely from their military prowess, and yet others were ritual rulers whose functions were primarily religious. All categories, however, relied heavily on the support of the gods to succeed. For this reason, at the coronation ceremony, a new king was given the opa ase ("staff of authority"), and took an oath to promote peace and stability. Thereafter, he was expected to constantly commune with the gods and the spirits of his ancestors, must visit the shrines on regular basis, and must offer sacrifices at appropriate times. For example, the Ooni of Ile-Ife sacrifices to the gods and ancestors almost every day of the year.

Religion, Politics and National Development

Religion, politics, and national development were interwoven in the pre-colonial times. The state was seen as the moral agent that performed important functions of maintaining religious laws and sanctions. Traditional religion and Islam emphasized the cohesiveness of the society as the basis of a strong political organization. It seems that religion rather than politics constituted the fulcrum on which the fabric of the society rested. Religion was interconnected with politics, culture, military, and social life of the people. Religious belief and practices were injected into almost every activity. The idea of nation building among the various ethnic groups in Nigeria was viewed from the religious perspective that the maintenance of peace, unity, and stability was the collective responsibility of the people.

Religion was also tied to the security of lives and property. With the consultation with the gods and through political institutions, rulers maintained public order and discipline and pursued policies of national interest for national development. Example of such religio-politico institutions includes the oro among the Ekiti, ogboni among the Egba, osugbo in Ijebu-ode, and Ekpe in Ibibioland.

Educationally, traditional religion and Islam had different approaches and objectives of education. They both provided literacy services that helped to promote growth and welfare of the society. In the north, Islam introduced Arabic literacy, which made it possible to have some recorded history of the early Hausa states. Learned Islamic scholars were appointed as clerks, administrators, and advisors to the king. Qadis (Islamic judges) were appointed to judge various kinds of cases. Islam therefore contributed significantly to the national development of the Hausa states. The jihad of Usman dan Fodio in 1804 further accelerated the spread of Islam, its literacy, and its civilization to many parts of Nigeria. The political leaders of the Islamic states used the religion as a tool of national development.

Economically, the occupation of the people was closely tied to religion. For success in commerce and in a new business, and for good harvest in agriculture, religious rituals were performed and sacrifices were offered to the gods and ancestors. Economic growth through religion made national development possible. Political leaders and wealthy people relied on religion not only for their own interests, but also for national development.

Conclusion

Religion has played significantly roles in the political organization of the pre-colonial Nigeria. Religion guided the nature of leadership and the political tradition of the people. Religion had been a factor in politics and national development, and religious leaders used religion to maintain law and order and to achieve common good for the people. Political leaders were divinely ordained and their subjects could not challenge their authority.

Islam and traditional religion co-existed and influenced one another before the advent of colonialism. The interaction of religions in pre-colonial Nigeria was mutual and reciprocal. The main religions believed in one Supreme Being and they preached peace and stability. Islam and Christianity have written scriptures, but traditional religion did not. Also, the religions had days of festivals and special ceremonies. All of these gave meaning and cohesiveness to the community and strength to the political system.

From all indications, religion and politics were totally inseparable in the pre-colonial times. Religion was the basis of authority and power for the political leaders, and religion was used to maintain law and order. Religious sanctions helped to check bad behavior and to promote good and law-abiding citizens. Religion contributed to the national development of the pre-colonial states.

Footnote

1 J.A. Atanda, "Collision and Coalition in the Politics and Society of Western Nigeria in the Nineteenth Century," in Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria, ed. J. F. A. Ajayi and B. Ikara, Ibadan, Nigeria: University Press Ltd, 1985, p. 85.

2 A.A. Oladiti, "The Prison System in Southwestern Nigeria: The Example of Agodi Prison in Ibadan 1800-1960," Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of Ibadan, 2003, p. 26-27.

3 R. Hallgreen, The Good Things of Life: A Study of Traditional Religious Culture of the Yoruba People, Loberod: Hallgren and Bokforlaget, 1988, p. 3.

4 E.A. Adegboye, "Traditional Religion in West Africa," in Traditional Religion in West Africa, ed. E.A. Adegboye, (Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press: 1983), 4-5.

5 Idem, "Managing Ethnic Conflicts under Democratic Transition in Africa: The Promise, the Failure and the Future," in Democratic Transition in Africa, eds. Canon B, Gboyega A, and Osaghae E.E., Ibadan, Nigeria, Credit Documents in Social Sciences and Humanities, Series No. 1, 1992, p. 45.

6 Osaghae, 31.

7 E.A. Adegboye, "Traditional Religion in West Africa," in Traditional Religion in West Africa, ed. E.A. Adegboye, (Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press: 1983), p. 22.

8 Ibid., p. 23.

9 T.G.O. Gbadamosi, "The Imamate Question among the Yoruba Muslims," Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 6, No 2, 1972, p. 229-232.

10 Ibid.

11 F. Fugelestad, "Hausa History before the Jihad," Journal of African History, 19, No. 3, 1978, p. 335.

12 S. Shakar, "Religion, State, and Society in Hausaland: history and the politics of incorporation in the kano chronicle, "In Precolonial Nigeria Essays in Honor of Toyin Falola, ed., Akin Ogundiran (Trenton, NJ, Africa World Press, 2005, p. 281 - 283.

13 O. Otite and W. Ogionwo, An Introduction to Sociological Studies, Ibadan, Heineman Educational Books 2006, p.102.

14 C. O. Adepegba, "The Essence Of Images in the Religious Sculptures Of The Yoruba Of Nigeria," Nigeria Magazine, 1983, p. 13 - 22.

15 N. A. Fadipe, Sociology of the Yorubas Ibadan, Nigeria, Ibadan University Press, 1970, p. 261.

16 Ibid., p. 40.

17 Ibid.

18 S. Johnson, The History of the Yorubas: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the British Protectorate, Lagos, Nigeria, CSS Bookshops, 1921, reprinted 1997, p. 22.

19 Ibid, p. 40.

20 E. B. Idowu, Olodumare: God In Yoruba Belief, New York, Fredrick praeger, 1963, p. 4.

21 W.R. Bascom, Ifa Divination Communication between Gods and Men In West Africa, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1969, p. 12.

22 J.F. A Ajayi, "Promoting Religious Tolerance and Cooperation in West African Region: The Example of Religious Pluralism and Tolerance Among the Yoruba",

http.geocities/agboleyorubaschool/sacred.

23 S.O. Biobaku, The Egba and Their Neighbours, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 50; E. A. Ayandele, The Ijebu Of Yorubaland 1850 - 1950: Politics, Economy And Society, Ibadan, Nigeria, Heinmann Educational Books, 1992, p. 268; Adewoye, The legal profession in Nigeria 1865 - 1962, London: Longman, 1977, p. 9; A. Fajana, "Age Group in traditional; Yoruba society," Nigeria Magazine, No. 98, 1968, p. 16 - 18.

24 S.O. Biobaku, The Egba and Their Neighbours, Oxford, op.cit., p. 5.

25 S.A. Adewale, "Crime and African Traditional Religion", Orita 25, No 1- 2, 1994, p. 54

26 E.A. Adegboye, "Traditional Religion in West Africa," in Traditional Religion in West Africa, ed. E.A. Adegboye, (Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press: 1983), p. 9.

27 R. Olaniyan, "Elements of Yoruba Traditional Diplomacy:An Assessment," in Yoruba Oral Tradition, ed., Wande Abimbola, Ile Ife, Ife University Press, 1975, p. 305 - 306.

28 The women were active in the economic, political, and religious affairs of their communities. The Iyaloja represented the leader of the market women, the Iyaje was the political head of the women, and the Iyalode served as the military head of the women.

29 P.A. Talbot, The People of Southern Nigeria: A Sketch Of Their History, Ethnology and Language, Vol. 3, London, Frank Cass, 1926, p. 754.

30 Ekong E. Ekong, "The Sociology of the Ibibiio", A Seminar Paper Presented in the Department of Sociology, University of Ife, Ile - Ife, 1974.

31 J.F.A. Ajayi and B. Ikara. "Introduction: Nigeriàs Evolutionary Political Culture: Issues And Processes," in Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria, ed., J.F.A. Ajayi And B. Ikara, Ibadan, Nigeria, Ibadan University Press, 1985, p. 2 - 3.

32 J.A. Atanda, "Collision and Coalition in the Politics and Society of Western Nigeria in the Nineteenth Century," in Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria, ed. J.F.A. Ajayi and B. Ikara, Ibadan, Nigeria: University Press Ltd, 1985, p. 87.

33 Ibid.

34 W. Oyemakinde, "The Derivation of Power And Authority In Nigeria," African Notes. Vol. VIII, No.2, 1979, 32.

35 Osaghae E.E., Ibadan, Nigeria, Credit Documents in Social Sciences and Humanities, Series No. 1, 1992, p. 34.

36 N.A. Fadipe, Sociology of the Yorubas Ibadan, Nigeria, Ibadan University Press, 1970, p. 243; A. Fajana, "Age Group in traditional; Yoruba society," Nigeria Magazine, No. 98, 1968, p. 16 - 18.

37 J.R.W. Haffender, The Red Men In Nigeria, London, Frank Cass, 1967, p. 223 - 225.

38 S.A. Adewale, "Crime and African Traditional Religion", Orita 25, No 1- 2, 1994, p. 54

39 H. Oppenehimer, The Rationale Of Punishment, London, University Press, 1913, p. 121.

40 J.H. Driberg, "The African Conception of Law," Journal Of African Society, 34, Supplement, 1934, p. 238.

41 E. B. Idowu, Olodumare: God In Yoruba Belief, New York, Fredrick praeger, 1963, p. 56.

42 Julius O. Adekunle, "Landmarks and Cultural Identity in Yoruba History," The International Journal Of The Humanities, Vol. 5, No. 4, 2007, p. 185 - 192.

43 Oral interview with Imam Taofeek Yekeen, at his residence in Ibadan on November 13, 2007.

44 A.E. Alagoa, "The Indigenous Political Systems of the Igbo," Tarikh Vol.4, No. 2. 1973, p. 13 - 21.

References

REFERENCE

Adegboye E.A., (1983), "Traditional Religion in West Africa," in Traditional Religion in West Africa, ed. E. A. Adegboye, (Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press.

Atanda, J.A., (1985), "Collision and Coalition in the Politics and Society of Western Nigeria in the Nineteenth Century," in Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria, ed. J.F.A. Ajayi and B. Ikara, Ibadan, Nigeria: University Press Ltd.

Fugelestad F., (1978), "Hausa History before the Jihad," Journal of African History, 19, No. 3

Gbadamosi T.G.O., (1972) "The Imamate Question among the Yoruba Muslims," Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 6, No 2.

Hallgreen R., (1988), The Good Things of Life: A Study of Traditional Religious Culture of the Yoruba People, Loberod: Hallgren and Bokforlaget.

Oladiti A.A., (2003), "The Prison System in Southwestern Nigeria: The Example of Agodi Prison in Ibadan 1800-1960," Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Ibadan.

Oppenehimer H., (1913), The Rationale Of Punishment, London, University Press.

Talbot, P.A., (1926), The People of Southern Nigeria: A Sketch Of Their History, Ethnology and Language, Vol. 3, London, Frank Cass.